Real content
Bio
Stories (110)
Filter by community
Chinese New Year 2026: Meaning, Traditions, Zodiac Signs & Celebration Guide
In the Chinese calendar, this is the most important day of the year, and on February 1 more than one billion people eat delicious meals with their loved ones. They watch colorful parades held in their respective areas and pray that the new year will prove to be blessed for them.
By Real content16 days ago in History
Post-Hasina Bangladesh: BNP Victory, Youth Revolution, and the Future of Democracy
About two years ago, when Sheikh Hasina won an election that was widely described as being marred by large-scale rigging, it was difficult to even imagine that her 15-year strong grip on power would suddenly come to an end, or that another party, which had nearly disappeared from the political landscape, would return with such intense public support. However, this is yet another shift in the ups and downs of Bangladeshi politics, where the Awami League and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) have alternated in power for decades. The only difference this time is that the BNP is now formally led by Tarique Rahman, and this is the first time he has personally contested in a general election. His mother, Khaleda Zia, who passed away last year after a prolonged illness, had led the party for four decades. She took over the responsibility after the death of her husband, Ziaur Rahman, the founder of the BNP and an important leader in Bangladesh’s War of Independence. In the past, when his mother was in power, Tarique Rahman faced allegations of benefiting from nepotism and was also confronted with corruption cases. Just five days before his mother’s death, he ended his 17 years of self-imposed exile and returned to Bangladesh from London. Although the 60-year-old Tarique Rahman had effectively acted as the party’s leader during and after his mother’s imprisonment and later during her illness, he is generally regarded as an untested leader. According to political scientist Nouvine Murshid, his lack of previous governing experience may actually work in his favor, because people want to give change a chance. They want to believe that new and positive change is possible, which is why there is an atmosphere of hope among the public. Following the election results, the BNP announced that its top priority would be the restoration of democracy in the country. This time, however, the situation appears somewhat different. The country’s youth, who played a prominent role in the “July Uprising” of 2024 that ultimately forced Sheikh Hasina to step down, have clear expectations. Nineteen-year-old student Tazin Ahmed, who participated in the protest movement, says: “We do not want to fight again. The former prime minister’s resignation was not our ultimate achievement. Our real success will be when the country becomes free of corruption and begins moving in the right direction, and when the economy becomes stronger.” Her cousin, 21-year-old Tahmina Tasnim, says: “Above all, we want unity among the people. We have a right to a stable state and a stable economy. We have been part of a popular movement and know how to resist. If the same conditions arise again, we also have the right to raise our voices again.” Since Sheikh Hasina’s removal, Bangladesh has faced incidents of unrest and violence during the tenure of interim leader Muhammad Yunus. Restoring law and order will be a top priority for the new government. At the same time, reviving the economy, reducing food prices, and creating job opportunities for the country’s large youth population are among the major challenges. Social affairs expert Samina Luthfa says that nearly all political parties face a lack of governing experience. Jamaat-e-Islami, considered the second-largest political party in Bangladesh and twice banned in the country’s history, has also won a significant number of seats for the first time. Its allied party, the National Citizen Party (NCP), formed by the student leaders who led the protest movement, has managed to win six seats in its very first election. According to Samina Luthfa, Bangladesh is likely to see a parliament this time where many leaders will be entering the house for the first time. She adds that the young leaders of the NCP have much to learn. Leaders of other parties may be experienced politicians, but they lack practical experience in running the country. Therefore, the journey will not be easy, and the government will face tough challenges. Jamaat-e-Islami’s election manifesto emphasized secular and developmental points and made no clear mention of implementing Islamic law. However, the party’s website states that “Jamaat is active in the political arena because without political power, Islamic law cannot be implemented.” This stance has always raised the question of what its practical strategy would be if the party ever came to power. According to political scientist Nouvine Murshid, Jamaat’s performance in this election was not unexpected. She says that Jamaat is a well-organized political party and has worked consistently and systematically at the grassroots level for decades. However, Murshid adds that while this fact must be acknowledged, the problem is that Jamaat’s core ideology is non-democratic, gender discriminatory, and patriarchal in nature. On the other hand, Samina Luthfa says that all political parties have disappointed the women of Bangladesh. In the recent elections, just over four percent of the candidates were women. She says: “We women who were part of the July popular movement have seen all political parties fail to translate our collective struggle into formal political and electoral representation.” Luthfa emphasized that members of parliament should take immediate steps to nominate capable, honest, and deserving candidates to the reserved seats for women. Out of Bangladesh’s total 350 parliamentary seats, 300 members are directly elected by public vote, while 50 seats are reserved for women. These reserved seats are allocated to political parties in proportion to their electoral performance, and the parties themselves nominate candidates for them. The recent elections are being described as markedly different from those held during Sheikh Hasina’s tenure. This time, the contest was genuinely competitive, and the outcome was not clear before polling. In the context of claims about restoring democracy, when the BNP was asked whether it would support bringing the Awami League back into the political mainstream, senior party leader Amir Khasru Mahmud Chowdhury said: “It is not our job to decide that.” He added: “It will take time for the Awami League to return to Bangladesh’s electoral process, because its credibility is under question. When you face allegations of killing your own citizens, oppression, and political vendettas, then it is the public who will decide what place that party will have in future politics.” Meanwhile, from exile in India, Sheikh Hasina has described Thursday’s elections as a “fraud and farcical election” and has demanded fresh polls in which the Awami League would also be allowed to participate. At present, there is intense public anger against her party. However, considering Bangladesh’s political history, it would be premature to say that the Awami League’s political role has ended permanently.
By Real content17 days ago in Chapters
How Black Pepper and Olive Oil Boost Vitamin Absorption Naturally
Adding black pepper or dressings (such as oil and vinegar) to your food may help you absorb more vitamins and minerals. Scientists believe this can increase the nutritional value of food. Black pepper has been a valuable spice for thousands of years because it gives food a distinctive flavor. The black pepper plant originally came from India, where it has been cultivated for more than 3,500 years. It became one of the most valuable commodities of the ancient world. Today, most of us sprinkle it over our meals for flavor without thinking much about it. However, adding black pepper to your food can do much more than enhance taste. It can increase the amount of nutrients you get from your meals. Black pepper contains a chemical that helps vitamins and other nutrients be more easily absorbed into the bloodstream. It has also been observed that tiny fat droplets found in milk and olive oil can improve the body’s access to nutrients. Scientists are now trying to use these effects to develop new types of fortified foods and to help people who struggle to absorb the nutrients they need to stay healthy. Despite the availability of highly nutritious foods, we still face a problem: our bodies can lose vitamins and minerals as they pass through the digestive system. Take sweet corn, for example. Corn kernels are undoubtedly rich in nutrients—they are full of fiber, protein, vitamins, and micronutrients such as potassium. However, the outer layer of the kernels is difficult for our bodies to break down, especially if we do not chew them thoroughly. David Julian McClements, a professor of food sciences at the University of Massachusetts in the United States, says: “When you eat corn, it often passes through your body undigested, with all the nutrients still trapped inside.” However, chewing corn properly releases the nutrient-rich pulp inside so it can be digested.
By Real content17 days ago in Chapters
India to Buy 114 Rafale Jets in $40 Billion Defense Boost Ahead of French President’s Visit
India on Thursday granted initial approval for the purchase of $40 billion (3.6 trillion Indian rupees) worth of defense equipment, including additional French Rafale fighter jets for the Indian Air Force.
By Real content18 days ago in Chapters
Bangladesh Election 2026: BNP Victory Signals New Era for Pakistan-Bangladesh Relations and Regional Power Shift
After the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) won Bangladesh’s general elections, the likely prime minister Tarique Rahman has been receiving congratulations from world leaders. Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif also expressed his desire to work with Bangladesh’s new leadership.
By Real content18 days ago in Chapters
Pakistan Launches PRSC-EO2 Satellite: SUPARCO Successfully Sends Second Indigenous Earth Observation Satellite into Orbit
Pakistan has announced another important milestone in its national space program by successfully sending its second indigenous Earth Observation Satellite into space.
By Real content19 days ago in Chapters
Bangladesh July Charter Referendum 2026 Full Breakdown of 84 Reform Proposals Constitutional Changes & What a ‘Yes’ Vote Means
The referendum on the implementation of the July Charter was held on February 12, the day of the elections to the 13th National Parliament. The referendum on which voters will vote today on separate ballots will have only four very specific issues written on it. Voters will vote ‘yes’ or ‘no’ on the question of whether voters support the implementation of the Charter.
By Real content20 days ago in Chapters
Russia-Ukraine War Enters Fourth Year: Can Flamingo, Oreshnik Missiles, F-16 Jets and AI Drones Change the Balance?
On the 24th of this month, four years will be completed since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. This war has continued without pause for four years, and there are still no visible signs that it will end. Negotiations between Russia and Ukraine are being held in Abu Dhabi under U.S. mediation. On Thursday, another round of these talks ended without any progress. If diplomacy is failing to deliver results, do the two countries possess such advanced weapons that could potentially tilt the balance of war in favor of either side?
By Real content21 days ago in Chapters
Bangladesh Student Revolution 2024: Rahat Hossain Story and the Future of Bangladesh Politics
Rahat Hossain was close to being killed himself while trying to save his friend, as the rebellion of many young people like him turned into one of the bloodiest episodes in Bangladesh’s history. In a video that went viral during the recent revolution in the country, he is seen trying to carry Imam Hasan Taim Bhuiyan to safety after he had been shot by police. On 20 July 2024, during the crackdown on protests, 24-year-old Rahat Hossain and 19-year-old Imam Hasan Bhuiyan took refuge at a tea stall in Dhaka. Police dragged them out, beat them and ordered them to run. Bhuiyan was shot. Seeing him fall to the ground, Rahat Hossain began dragging him away, but the police continued firing. Rahat realized that a bullet had struck his own leg. “I had to leave him behind,” Rahat says. Later, Imam Hasan Bhuiyan was declared dead at the hospital. Such violence transformed the student-led demonstrations into large-scale nationwide protests centered on the capital, Dhaka. Within two weeks, the government was removed from power and Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina fled the country. According to the United Nations, nearly 1,400 people were killed during the protests, most of them in the security crackdown ordered by Sheikh Hasina. Hasina’s fall appeared to promise a new era. The uprising was regarded around the world as the first and most successful Gen-Z protest movement. Some Bangladeshi student leaders assumed important positions in the interim government and tried to shape the country for which they had taken to the streets. After decades of rule by Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League and the rival Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), they were expected to play a role in the country’s future administration. But as Thursday’s general elections approach, the newly formed student political party appears deeply divided. The Awami League is banned, and decades-old parties seem to be filling the vacuum. Rahat Hossain had taken part in the student-led protests of 2024. Those demonstrations brought together the younger generation—men and women, secular and religious people alike. Initially the protests were against new quotas in civil service jobs, but gradually they developed a “single common goal”: the end of authoritarian rule. “The interim government has failed to build the beautiful Bangladesh based on peace, equality and justice that was expected from it.” He is not alone in feeling that the student-led National Citizens Party (NCP) is inexperienced. Instead, many believe it is influenced by another older party, Jamaat-e-Islami. This Islamist party has historically played the role of a small ally in Bangladeshi politics, but its popularity has grown ahead of the 12 February elections, in which the Awami League is barred. Founded in 1941, the party has always been questioned over its stance during the 1971 war of independence from Pakistan, in which millions were killed and more than ten million displaced. Some of its politicians were accused of siding with West Pakistan at the time. But this history does not trouble Rahat Hossain. He believes the party has changed. He explains, “Jamaat supported the July uprising and the students in many ways.” Party leader Shafiqur Rahman said Jamaat promises to eradicate corruption and restore the independence of the judiciary. Although such claims are difficult in a country with historically high levels of corruption, they are resonating with many people. Professor Towfique Haque of North South University in Dhaka says most young voters born after 1971 can separate Jamaat from its past and do not see it as a “red line.” He says, “It is a generational issue,” arguing that the new generation does not want to be entangled in that debate. Haque adds that young voters see Jamaat as a party like themselves—one that suffered under Sheikh Hasina’s repression, was banned from politics, and whose leaders were jailed. Rahat Hossain is not alone in leaning toward Jamaat-e-Islami. Last September, candidates backed by Jamaat’s student wing won major victories in elections at Bangladesh’s top universities, seen as a sign of a national trend. Notably, for the first time since independence, an Islamist group gained control of the student union at Dhaka University. This was a major signal for student leaders, especially in a country where nearly four out of ten voters are under 37. A controversial compromise The lack of confidence in the NCP has been a major setback for student leaders. Twenty-seven-year-old Asif Mahmud, former adviser in the interim government and now chairman of the NCP election committee, admits, “We hoped to do far better.” But he argues the challenges were enormous. “For the last 50 years only two parties have ruled Bangladesh… we are trying to prove ourselves.” So the NCP made a decision. In December it announced a multi-party alliance with Jamaat-e-Islami. Like Jamaat, the NCP also promises to eliminate corruption. Its manifesto includes other pledges for young voters: justice for families of those killed in the uprising, lowering the voting age to 16, and creating jobs through tax and economic reforms. Asif Mahmud says, “We may disagree on some issues, but Jamaat has grassroots reach and the NCP needs that.” “We have always said we are not an Islamist party. This is not an ideological alliance.” However, Jamaat allowed the NCP to field only 30 candidates—just two of them women—while Jamaat itself has more than 200 candidates, all men. This compromise has been called an “ethical red line” by senior NCP women like Tasnim Zara, who along with others resigned from the party. Twenty-five-year-old student Shima Akhter, who played a key role in the protests, says, “They wanted to push us out.” Although women were central to the uprising, Shima says the interim government under Muhammad Yunus remains largely male-dominated. After the revolution, Shima and other female activists were targeted in social-media posts. “Some meme videos were very violent and depressing. We were defamed and mocked,” she recalls. Videos circulated calling them unintelligent, claiming their marriage prospects were ruined, and even mocking Shima’s complexion. Both parties deny ignoring women and claim the number of female candidates reflects Bangladesh’s “social structure.” Jamaat leader Shafiqur Rahman said he hopes the situation will change. Shima dismisses this as “just a patriarchal excuse.” She leans toward the BNP, which has fielded 10 women among more than 250 candidates. “At least it’s better than the worst,” she says. Will dynastic politics continue? The lack of support for the NCP and the ban on the Awami League are also benefiting the BNP, which now presents itself as a liberal democratic force. After seeing thousands of supporters and senior members jailed under Awami rule, the BNP is now the largest party contesting the elections, further pressuring the student party. Just as the Awami League was led by Sheikh Hasina, daughter of the country’s founding leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the BNP is also tied to a political dynasty. Its new leader Tarique Rahman is the son of Khaleda Zia, Bangladesh’s first female prime minister. Khaleda herself came to power after her husband, a former president, was assassinated in a military coup. Former BNP commerce minister Amir Khasru Mahmud Chowdhury said, “Whether you belong to a family or not is irrelevant.” Ironically, this family legacy revived because of the student-led uprising, which allowed Rahman to return after 17 years of self-exile. After Hasina’s departure, both he and his mother were cleared of corruption charges they called politically motivated. He has criticized Jamaat for exploiting religious sentiment for votes and promises economic and democratic reforms and a “rainbow nation,” with a new national reconciliation commission to heal divisions. Sheikh Hasina ruled Bangladesh for 15 years, overseeing economic growth but continually silencing opposition through politically motivated arrests, disappearances and extrajudicial killings. Last year the Bangladesh war crimes tribunal sentenced her to death for the 2024 crackdown. A hidden district leader of the Awami League said, “Free and fair elections are impossible without including the Awami League. If Sheikh Hasina orders it, the party and its supporters will resist the elections.” He warned, “If she says people should not go to polling stations, we will not go. If she says disrupt the elections, we will do so.” He called allegations by independent human-rights groups of political arrests and extrajudicial killings “false and fabricated.” After the 12 February elections, students will know whether their revolution and bloodshed achieved anything. Rahat Hossain sits near the Jatrabari flyover in Dhaka—the place where he lost his friend. He is still waiting for the trial of the police officers accused in his friend’s death to be completed. Imam Hasan Bhuiyan’s father is himself a police officer. When he identified his son’s body, he called a senior officer and asked, “Sir, how many bullets does it take to kill a boy?” Rahat says he still feels fear from the day his friend was shot. He watched the video eight days later when the internet was restored. “My screams can be heard… I kept crying.” A year later, on 5 August, he marked the first anniversary of Hasina’s ouster with his “fellow rebels. But Rahat admits that his “new Bangladesh” has not yet been realized. He believes this will not be possible until an elected government carries out reforms. “You cannot expect mangoes from a tamarind tree,” he says.
By Real content21 days ago in Chapters
